Tag: folk horror

  • What Makes Folk Horror Different From Regular Horror

    What Makes Folk Horror Different From Regular Horror


    The Wicker Man was released in 1973. It’s about a Scottish police officer who travels to a remote island to investigate a missing girl and finds a pagan community that practices ancient ritual. The ending is one of the most famous in horror cinema.

    It is also, by any conventional horror standard, almost free of scares. There are no jump cuts. The creature doesn’t appear. The violence, when it comes, is ritualized and communal rather than stalker-driven. For most of its runtime, it operates more like a mystery film than a horror film.

    And yet it is genuinely disturbing in a way that most horror films aren’t. The dread builds continuously and comes from somewhere that’s hard to name.

    That somewhere is the folk horror mechanism. Understanding it changes how you watch these films, how you read the fiction, and — if you write in the genre — how you build the thing.


    The Definition People Get Wrong

    Folk horror is not “horror set in a rural area.” That’s the most common misconception, and it produces bad readings of both what counts as folk horror and what the genre is actually doing.

    Horror set in rural areas can be any number of things — slasher film, creature feature, survival horror, hillbilly horror. Rural setting is a container. Folk horror is a specific content type within that container, and it can exist in urban settings if the conditions are met.

    What folk horror actually requires is this: a community with an internally coherent belief system or set of practices that an outsider does not share, whose beliefs turn out to be operative — meaning things work the way the community believes they do, not the way mainstream rational culture believes they do — and a collision between the outsider’s disbelief and the community’s knowledge.

    The horror in folk horror is not the monster. The horror is the revelation that the people you dismissed as backwards were right, and the framework you brought with you is insufficient, and you are now inside a system whose rules you don’t understand.


    The Visitor Is the Problem

    The structural move that almost all canonical folk horror makes is the same: an outsider enters a community, disbelieves the community’s practices, and pays for the disbelief.

    This structure is doing specific cultural work. It is not saying that all rural communities have secret rituals. It is saying something more uncomfortable: that mainstream modern culture has an arrogance about knowledge, a particular confidence that rational materialism has settled the questions that older traditions kept open, and that this confidence has costs.

    The visitor in The Wicker Man is a Christian who believes paganism is superstition. The horror is that the paganism works. The visitor in Midsommar is a grief-numbed American who believes she can observe Swedish folk practice as an anthropological curiosity. The horror is that the practice is not a curiosity.

    In both cases, the visitor’s certainty is not just wrong. It is the mechanism of their destruction. They cannot protect themselves against what they don’t believe in.


    The Community Is Not the Villain

    This is the distinction that separates good folk horror from exploitation horror wearing folk horror’s clothes.

    In genuine folk horror, the community is not acting out of malice toward the visitor, or not primarily. They are following their own logic, honoring their own obligations, operating within a coherent moral system that simply does not have a place for the visitor’s survival. The wickerman is not built out of cruelty. It is built out of need — agricultural necessity, the logic of sacrifice and reciprocation that the community has tested over generations and found to be real.

    The horror is not that these people are evil. The horror is that they are right by their own lights, and their lights illuminate something real, and the visitor could not see it.

    Exploitation films that use rural or folk settings to portray communities as simply barbaric or degenerately violent are not folk horror. They are using the aesthetic of folk horror to deliver a different, less interesting product: the fantasy of urban sophistication versus rural savagery, where the urban viewer never has to question their assumptions.

    Real folk horror asks the viewer to consider that the community’s assumptions might be the accurate ones.


    The Specific Dread It Generates

    Folk horror’s dread is epistemological, which is a fancy way of saying: it makes you uncertain about what is real.

    Most horror generates dread through threat. Something wants to hurt you. The threat is identifiable and external. Your survival depends on avoiding or defeating it.

    Folk horror generates dread through the possibility that your entire framework for understanding the world is wrong. Not that something dangerous is out there — but that you’ve been operating on false assumptions about what “out there” contains, and the people who live closer to it have always known better.

    This is a harder dread to shake because it doesn’t have a survival strategy. You can’t defeat it. You can’t outrun it. You can only revise everything you thought you knew.

    That’s what the best folk horror leaves you with. Not the image of something terrifying. The discomfort of uncertainty.


    Writing It

    If you’re writing folk horror, the single most important thing you can do is commit to the community’s logic. Not endorse it. Not explain it away. Commit to it — meaning, within the story’s reality, the community is right. The rules work. The practices produce the outcomes they’re designed to produce.

    The moment you equivocate — the moment you give the reader an out by suggesting maybe it’s all in the visitors’ heads, maybe it’s mass hysteria, maybe there’s a rational explanation — you’ve written a different story. You may have written a fine story. But you’ve left folk horror’s specific territory.

    The wicker burns. The ritual works. The visitor was wrong, and now they know it, and it’s too late.

    That’s the genre. Stay in it.


    If you’re reading this as a writer looking to work in the genre, some of my folk horror is in There Be Monsters: Then and Now — including “Rabbit Season,” which runs on exactly the rule-based logic described above.

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  • The Black Dog: Britain’s Deadliest Omen That Followed the Settlers

    The Black Dog: Britain’s Deadliest Omen That Followed the Settlers


    There’s a creature that made the Atlantic crossing intact.

    Most of the folklore that European settlers carried to Appalachia changed in transit. The stories adapted to new landscape, new pressures, new community needs. The banshee softened. The fairy tradition blended with Cherokee spirit beliefs and emerged as something different. The old country’s monsters became mountain monsters.

    The Black Dog didn’t change.

    It arrived in Appalachia looking exactly the way it had looked in Suffolk and Yorkshire and Wales. Large. Black. Eyes that were either red or yellow depending on the account, but always luminous. Moving silently on roads and lane-edges, appearing at crossroads and bridges, and meaning exactly one thing.

    Death is coming for someone you know.


    The British Originals

    The Black Dog tradition in Britain is ancient enough that establishing a single origin is probably impossible. What exists instead is a family of related regional beliefs, each with their own name and specific behavior, all sharing the central omen function.

    Black Shuck haunts the coastal areas of East Anglia. His name derives from the Old English scucca, meaning “demon” or “shadow creature.” He is enormous — descriptions range from the size of a calf to the size of a horse — and his appearances are concentrated on the lanes and shorelines of Norfolk and Suffolk. A detailed historical record of his appearance exists: on August 4, 1577, Black Shuck is said to have entered the churches at Bungay and Blythburgh during a violent thunderstorm, killing several people and leaving scorch marks on the church door at Blythburgh that are still visible.

    The scorch marks are genuinely there. They predate the legend’s first recorded appearance in print. I find this detail persistently interesting.

    The Grim is a variant that specifically haunts churchyards. In British tradition, the first person buried in a new churchyard would be obliged to haunt it and protect it from the devil — and a dog buried there in their place (a documented historical practice) would become the Grim instead. The Grim appears to those about to die. It does not cause the death. It announces it.

    In Wales, the Cwn Annwn — the Hounds of Annwn — are a pack rather than a single creature, the spectral hunting dogs of the underworld deity Arawn. Their appearance heralds death on a larger scale. In Devon, the Yeth Hounds perform the same function, sometimes ridden by headless horsemen for added context.

    The family resemblance is consistent across all of them: large, black, supernatural, ominous. Not evil in the conventional sense. Present.


    The Appalachian Persistence

    What’s remarkable about the Black Dog tradition in Appalachia is how completely it survived the transplant.

    The Scots-Irish and English settlers who populated the mountain communities of Virginia, North Carolina, West Virginia, and Kentucky brought the Black Dog with them, and the creature stayed in the oral tradition of those communities without significant mutation for generations. Interviews conducted by the Federal Writers’ Project in the 1930s and by folklore researchers in the decades since consistently turn up Black Dog accounts that would be recognizable to someone in Suffolk.

    The creature appears on roads at night, particularly at crossroads and bridges. It accompanies the traveler for a distance, then vanishes. In the majority of accounts, someone the traveler knows dies within a short period after the encounter.

    What I find genuinely interesting is that the Appalachian Black Dog almost never represents the traveler’s own death. It’s almost always a harbinger of death nearby. The creature is telling you something about someone else. It chose to show you. The question of why you were chosen is one the tradition doesn’t answer, which is part of what keeps it uncomfortable.


    The Dog That Watches

    There are two types of death-omen traditions in folklore, roughly speaking. The type that comes as an announcement — the banshee’s wail, the three knocks — and the type that comes as a witness.

    The Black Dog is a witness. It doesn’t perform grief. It doesn’t make noise. It simply appears and looks at you, with those luminous eyes, from the shoulder of the road.

    This is more disturbing than the announcement type, and I think it’s worth understanding why. The announcement implies a kind of relationship between the omen and the bereaved — you were specifically called to, warned, given information. The witness implies something different: that the death was already in motion, and something came to observe it, and you happened to be there.

    The witness doesn’t care about you. The witness is watching something you can’t see yet.


    Why the Crossing Mattered

    Most folklore scholars identify the Black Dog as one of the most geographically distributed supernatural traditions in Europe, appearing in some form across almost every regional tradition from Scandinavia through the British Isles and into the Iberian Peninsula. This distribution suggests the tradition is old enough that the individual national versions are regional expressions of a single archetype, not independent inventions.

    The fact that it survived the crossing to Appalachia intact, in communities that were otherwise highly adaptive with their imported folklore, suggests something specific about the Black Dog: it was too useful to change. Communities under stress need a way to talk about death’s approach. A creature that observes, that witnesses, that appears on the road between where you are and where the dead are going — that is a useful symbolic technology. It survived because it was doing real cultural work.

    It’s still doing it. Appalachian Black Dog accounts are still collected regularly in contemporary folklorist interviews. The creature hasn’t retired.

    If you’re driving the mountain roads after dark, keep your eyes on the roadside.

    If you see something large and black looking at you from the shoulder with luminous eyes, keep driving.

    And when you get home, call the people you love.


    Folklore deep dives like this one go into the research that feeds my fiction. If you want the stories themselves: There Be Monsters: Then and Now.

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  • The Craft of “Don’t Do X”: Why Rules Are the Most Powerful Tool in Folk Horror

    The Craft of “Don’t Do X”: Why Rules Are the Most Powerful Tool in Folk Horror


    Three rules. That’s all the setup my story “Rabbit Season” needed.

    Bank the fire before you sleep.
    Don’t drink the spring water in May.
    Don’t shoot the white ones in winter.

    And underneath: DON’T BRING IT HOME. 1903.

    By the time a reader reaches the actual horror in that story, they’ve already done most of the work themselves. The rules told them something was out there. The rules implied a history of people who learned what they knew the hard way. And the rules established a logic — which means, in the reader’s mind, that violating them has consequences. The horror becomes almost secondary. The anticipation of violation does most of the damage.

    This is not an accident. Rules are the most powerful structural tool in folk horror, and I think about them more than almost anything else when I’m plotting.


    Why Rules Work

    The rule implies the failure.

    That’s it. That’s the whole mechanism. When you tell a reader “don’t open the door at midnight,” you have just created, in the reader’s imagination, a vivid image of someone opening the door at midnight. You’ve created the dread before the action. The rule functions as foreshadowing compressed into an imperative.

    What makes folk horror rules specifically effective — versus, say, rules in a haunted-house thriller — is that folk horror rules come attached to community. They were taught. Which means someone taught them for a reason. Which means someone, probably multiple someones, found out the hard way what happens when you don’t follow them.

    The rule is a compression of suffering. When a grandmother passes down “don’t look at the lights in the woods,” she is summarizing a trauma. The reader feels the weight of that compression even if they never see the original event. The rule carries the past with it.


    The Three Components of a Good Horror Rule

    After a lot of trial and error, I’ve landed on three things a horror rule needs to work.

    It has to be specific without explaining itself.

    “Don’t go into the woods at night” is weak. It’s too broad. It doesn’t have the texture of something real. “Don’t whistle after dark in October” is better. It’s specific enough to feel like it comes from somewhere — someone, at some point, whistled in October and received a consequence — but it doesn’t explain what. The specificity implies the knowledge. The silence implies the dread.

    It has to be possible to break.

    This sounds obvious but it’s the mistake most writers make. If the rule is impossible to violate in practice, it doesn’t generate tension. “Don’t fly to the moon” is a rule with no teeth in a contemporary setting. The rule has to be something a reasonable person could break under pressure, by accident, or because they don’t believe it. The more plausible the violation, the more the reader worries.

    It has to cost something visible when broken.

    The consequence doesn’t need to be immediate and it doesn’t need to be fully explained. But the reader has to sense that breaking the rule matters. This is often established through the rule itself — “don’t bring it home” implies that bringing something home has happened before and the result was bad enough that someone carved the warning into wood.


    The Rules Conversation as Exposition

    One technique I use repeatedly: the scene where an older character explains the rules to a younger one, and the younger one doesn’t fully believe them.

    This accomplishes three things simultaneously. It delivers the rules naturally, without the author simply listing them. It establishes the intergenerational structure of folk knowledge — the fact that someone who lived through the consequences is passing this down. And it creates dramatic irony: the reader understands the rules are real while watching the character who will eventually violate them dismiss them as superstition.

    The conversation also lets you calibrate the older character’s delivery. Are they frightened? Matter-of-fact? Resigned? The emotional register tells the reader how seriously to take the threat. The best folk horror rule deliveries are calm. Not dramatic. Not pleading. Calm and specific, the way you explain not to touch a hot stove — because the person explaining it has accepted that there’s no way to make someone understand until they’ve been burned, and they’re trying anyway.


    What Not to Do

    The mistake I see most often: explaining the rule.

    “Don’t open the cellar door because the thing in there will kill you” is not a rule. It’s a warning. It has already evacuated the mystery. The reader knows what’s in the cellar. The dread is gone.

    The rule should always know more than it says. The best rules feel like the summary of a longer story that the story itself never quite tells. You’re always building on implied history, never on explicit history.

    The second mistake: too many rules. If you have six rules in the first chapter, the reader can’t hold them all as live threats. Three is the traditional structure — it’s not arbitrary. Three is about the limit of what a reader can track simultaneously as specific sources of dread. If you need more, introduce them in sequence as the story goes deeper, not all at once at the front.


    Rules as Character

    There’s one more thing rules can do that I’ve been using more lately: they can characterize the community that made them.

    A community that has a rule against looking at the lights implies a community that believes the lights are watching back. A community that has a rule against naming certain things implies a community that believes names have power. A community that has a rule about the spring water in May implies a community that keeps records, that noticed a pattern, that did the work of encoding the survival knowledge in transmissible form.

    The rules, read carefully, tell you who these people were. What they feared and what they took seriously and what they refused to let die.

    That’s the part that keeps me coming back to this structure. The rules are a horror device. But they’re also a portrait.


    “Rabbit Season” is available now — find it on Amazon as part of There Be Monsters. More folk horror fiction coming soon.

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  • Why Appalachian Horror Hits Different

    Why Appalachian Horror Hits Different


    There’s a scene I keep coming back to, not from any book or film, but from a conversation I had with an older man at a ghost tour in western North Carolina a few years back. He’d lived in the same holler his whole life. Someone on the tour asked him if he believed in the things we’d been hearing about — the lights in the woods, the shape that walked the ridge at night.

    He looked at them the way you look at someone who’s just asked if you believe in roads.

    “Believe in it,” he said. “I’ve seen it.”

    That exchange is, in miniature, what Appalachian horror is. Not atmosphere. Not aesthetic. Witness.


    The Geography Does Something

    Mountains do specific things to human psychology over generations. They cut off. They contain. They create what sociologists call “geographic isolation” but what feels, from inside it, more like the world forgetting you exist.

    The Appalachian range runs roughly 1,500 miles from Alabama to Newfoundland, with the densest cultural concentration in a band stretching from northern Georgia through West Virginia. The settlements that took hold there in the 18th and 19th centuries were often cut off from the nearest towns by terrain that made travel genuinely dangerous for significant portions of the year.

    That isolation does two things that matter for horror.

    First, it concentrates tradition. The oral histories, the rules, the stories that would have diluted over generations in more connected communities stayed intact. Practices that died elsewhere survived. Beliefs that modernized away in cities held their shape in places where modernity arrived late and partially.

    Second, it means the community becomes the authority. When there’s no external institution to appeal to — no sheriff an hour away, no hospital, no court — the community develops its own mechanisms for managing fear, conflict, and the things that happen in the dark that nobody has a good explanation for.

    Both of those conditions produce folklore with teeth.


    The Things That Live Here

    Appalachian folk horror has a specific creature catalog, and what’s striking about it is how local it is. The Wampus Cat. The Tailypo. The Bell Witch — not a ghost so much as a presence, a force, something that understood the Bell family well enough to hate them specifically. The Booger. The Raw Head. These aren’t imports. They’re not Greek mythology dressed in new clothes. They grew from this place.

    They’re also not uniform. The Tailypo legend varies significantly from county to county. What the creature wants, what it looks like, whether there’s any way to survive encountering it — these change based on who’s telling it and where. That variability is a sign of living tradition. Dead traditions calcify. Living ones adapt.

    The Wampus Cat is a good example. In some versions it’s a pre-contact shapeshifter, a woman transformed by the Cherokee as punishment for witnessing a sacred ceremony. In others it’s simply a mountain lion that has been wrong for too long, something that started natural and became something else by accumulation of wrongness. The two versions are doing different cultural work, but they share an anxiety: things here can change into what they are not, and you won’t know until it’s too late.


    What Hollywood Gets Wrong

    Most Appalachian horror films make the same mistake. They treat the mountains as backdrop for urban people to suffer in. The locals are either villains or props. The horror is generated by the gap between the sophistication of the protagonists and the otherness of the place.

    This is not Appalachian horror. It’s tourism horror — horror about what happens when you leave your comfort zone. The mountains are incidental.

    Real Appalachian horror is horror about the place — the way the land holds memory, the way communities deal with what they can’t explain, the way the isolation creates both tight bonds and the kind of silence that lets bad things persist. It’s the difference between a story set in the mountains and a story that could only be set in the mountains.

    The gold standard is still the oral tradition itself. Second to that, look at what writers like Ron Rash and Wiley Cash do with the region in their fiction — not explicitly horror, but working with the same raw material.


    Why It’s Having a Moment

    Appalachian horror has been mainstream-adjacent for a few years now, and I don’t think that’s coincidental. We’re in a cultural moment when a lot of people are asking questions about what gets preserved, what gets lost, what survives in communities that were cut off or overlooked, and what that survival cost.

    Appalachian folk tradition has answers to those questions. They’re not comfortable answers. They’re the kind of answers that involve the lights in the woods and the shape on the ridge and the old man who looks at you like you asked about roads.

    But they’re real answers, from people who were paying attention.

    That’s what the best horror has always been.


    My fiction lives in this territory — folk horror, creature stories, the kind of dark that grows in isolated places. There Be Monsters: Then and Now collects thirteen of them. Start there.

    For more folklore, regional legends, and the horror that feels like it came from somewhere — get on the list.

  • The Skinwalker: What the Navajo Legend Actually Warns Us About

    The Skinwalker: What the Navajo Legend Actually Warns Us About


    The version of the Skinwalker that lives on Reddit is a bipedal thing that chases cars on desert highways. A speed demon. Something you catch at the edge of your headlights doing something no human body should be able to do — running alongside you at seventy miles an hour, or crouched where it shouldn’t fit, or looking at you from the wrong direction in your mirror.

    That version is terrifying. It’s also about forty percent of the actual tradition, stripped of the part that makes it genuinely disturbing.

    The Skinwalker — yee naaldlooshii in Diné bizaad, which translates roughly as “by means of it, it goes on all fours” — is not primarily a speed story or a pursuit story. It is a transformation story. And the thing it transforms is the most frightening part of all.


    What Gets Made

    A yee naaldlooshii is a human being who has chosen to become something else.

    Not cursed. Not bitten. Not inherited. Chosen.

    In the Navajo tradition, a Skinwalker is a practitioner of ‘ánt’įįhnii — what outsiders translate as witchcraft — who has completed a specific, deliberate act of corruption. The nature of that act varies in specificity across accounts, but the consistent element is this: it involves the killing of a close family member. A sibling. A parent. A child.

    The Skinwalker does not become evil through supernatural contamination. The evil act is the threshold. You have to cross it yourself.

    This is what separates the yee naaldlooshii from almost every other monster in Western horror tradition. A werewolf is often a victim. A vampire was transformed by violence done to them. Even the ghost typically died in circumstances they didn’t choose. The Skinwalker chose — and what they received in exchange is not just speed or shapeshifting, but the removal of the constraint that had held them inside a human moral framework.

    The power is real. But the cost is your self.


    The Skin and What It Means

    The “skin” in Skinwalker is literal. The practitioner wears the pelt of an animal — typically coyote, wolf, fox, owl, or crow — to take on that creature’s form. This is where the highway encounters come from; a person wearing a wolf skin running faster than a vehicle, or a figure crouched impossibly in the road, is the physical expression of a human inside an animal body.

    But the specific animals matter. Every one of them carries weight in Navajo cosmology. Coyote is the trickster, the boundary-violator, the one who appears at the margins of order. Wolf is dangerous power. The owl — same as with the Wendigo tradition — carries the dead. These aren’t random choices. The practitioner isn’t just putting on a disguise; they’re wearing a relationship to the world.

    The closest thing in Western tradition might be the berserker — a Norse warrior who wore a bearskin and was said to fight in a state beyond human reckoning. But the berserker transformation was temporary. The yee naaldlooshii does not have an off switch. The boundary between the practitioner and the animal gets thinner with use. Eventually, some accounts suggest, there’s nothing left that remembers being human.


    The Skinwalker Ranch Problem

    In 1996, a Utah ranch became famous — notorious — as a hotspot for Skinwalker activity. Livestock mutilations. UFO sightings. Poltergeist phenomena. A series of books, a documentary, and eventually a cable television series followed.

    Here’s the problem: Skinwalker Ranch is in the Uintah Basin of northeastern Utah. The land is associated with the Ute people, not the Navajo. The Skinwalker is a specifically Navajo tradition. The two are not the same.

    The conflation is not harmless. When a piece of indigenous knowledge gets detached from its cultural origin and reapplied to a piece of land it has no historical connection to, what you get is not expanded understanding — you get a brand. The terror tourism around Skinwalker Ranch has generated considerable money. The Navajo Nation has generated approximately none of it. And the tradition gets used in ways that erase the context that makes it meaningful.

    I’m not saying the Uintah Basin doesn’t have strange history. It might. But whatever is happening there is probably better understood through Ute cosmology, if through any indigenous lens at all.

    The Skinwalker has been adopted by horror culture in ways that the community it came from has, repeatedly and explicitly, asked people to stop. When you see that pattern — a specific ask from a living culture to stop appropriating their spiritual tradition as entertainment — it’s worth pausing to ask what you actually gain by ignoring it.


    Why the Warning Still Matters

    Strip the cultural mechanics away entirely and the core of the Skinwalker legend is this: power is available to people who are willing to do the thing that cannot be undone. And the transformation that follows isn’t just physical. You don’t just get fast. You get outside the community that would hold you accountable. You become something that moves at the margins, that cannot come back into the firelight, that must keep moving because stopping means being seen for what you are.

    Every community has people who chose that trade.

    The Navajo had a name for them. That’s not superstition. That’s observation, compressed into a form that survives.


    Horror draws on traditions like this one because they’ve already done the work — they’ve looked at the dark thing directly and named it. I try to do the same in my fiction. If you want to see what that looks like, There Be Monsters: Then and Now is a good place to start.

    Want more folklore, creature features, and the kind of horror that came from somewhere real? Join the Grimbard list.

  • New Short Read: “Rabbit Season”

    New Short Read: “Rabbit Season”

    There’s a rule carved into the inside of the old camp door, and Lee has read it his whole life.

    Don’t shoot the white ones in winter.

    It’s 1935. The snares have been empty for six days. The egg money stopped covering the lamp oil a month ago, and Lee’s father has gone quiet in the way a man goes quiet when he’s run out of everything except the next bad idea. So when a white rabbit sits out on the snow at thirty yards — not hiding, not bolting, the white of it wrong against the white of the weather — the rule loses.

    The rabbit comes home.

    What sits down to supper after that is the part I’ll let you read for yourself.

    “Rabbit Season” is live now as a standalone short read. It’s quiet, Depression-era folk horror — the kind built on an old warning, an empty woods, and a family hungry enough to ignore both. If you like your horror patient and your endings earned, this one’s for you.

    Read “Rabbit Season” on Kindle: https://a.co/d/0bnT7fuu

    It’s pulled from my anthology There Be Monsters: Then and Now — thirteen stories, each one its own bad idea. If “Rabbit Season” gets under your skin, the rest are waiting.

    Get the full collection: https://a.co/d/04jKPYNx

    And if you want a free story to start with, I’ll send you one — no charge, just a quiet place to begin.

    Grab your free story: https://preview.mailerlite.io/forms/2428558/192190473470740064/share

    Bank the fire before you sleep. And if you see a white one this winter, leave it where it sits.